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War Made Easy: How Presidents & Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death

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War Made Easy: How Presidents & Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death

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War Made Easy: How Presidents & Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death is an American documentary film that was produced and released in 2007. The film is narrated by Sean Penn and is adapted from the book of the same name, authored by Norman Solomon [...]

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Black Block

From: http://www.gipfelsoli.org/Repression/8879.html

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A documentary film by Carlo A. Bachschmidt

Short Synopsis

Genoa 2001: As the G8 Summit drew to a close and the press and politicians had departed, 300 riot police stormed the Diaz School looking for members of the infamous Black Block. They found instead young activists, mostly students, teenagers and journalists from around Europe preparing to bunk down on the school’s floors. Undeterred, they unleashed a calculated frenzy of violence, beating both young and old, male and female indiscriminately.

Those seriously injured were rushed to the hospital in ambulances, though soon after they were forced to join those who had been arrested and driven to a detention centre where they were subjected to further abuse and degradation.

Amnesty International called the result of the subsequent trials of the police officers involved “The most serious suspension of human rights in western country since the second world war.”

Interviewees
ULRICH REICHEL (MULI)
NIELS MARTENSEN
MINA ZAPATERO
MICHAEL GIESER
LENA ZUHLKE
DANIEL MC QUILLAN
CHABI NOGUERAS

The documentary will be released in a boxed set (book + DVD) on 15 September

Synopsis

Repression is part and parcel of democracy – a power system that, along with legitimacy and consensus, needs to be controlled when a population or political group test the limits of their freedom. Genoa ’s G8 Summit in 2001 demonstrated this in the fiercest of ways.

As the G8 Summit drew to a close and the press and politicians had departed, 300 riot police stormed the Diaz School looking for members of the infamous Black Block. They found instead young activists, mostly students, teenagers and journalists from around Europe preparing to bunk down in the school gym. Undeterred, they unleashed a calculated frenzy of violence, beating both young and old, male and female indiscriminately. Those seriously injured were rushed to the hospital in ambulances, though soon after they were forced to join those who had been arrested and driven to the Bolzaneto detention centre where they were subjected to further abuse and degradation.
Through the testimonies of Lena and Niels (Hamburg), Chabi (Zaragoza), Mina (Paris), Dan (London), Michael (Nice), and Muli (Berlin), Black Block renders a firsthand account of those who experienced for themselves the violence in the raid on the Diaz school and their subsequent torture.
Several of them chose to return to Genoa for the trials of the police officers involved. Amnesty International called the results trials “The most serious suspension of human rights in western country since the second world war.”

The Interviewees

ULRICH REICHEL (MULI): After the traumatic events of 2001, Ulrich began his training as an alternative therapist. Father of a daughter just a year old, he lives in an occupied house in Berlin with his Italian girlfriend, and wishes to enrol in university to do a degree in psychology.

NIELS MARTENSEN: A vegan, since before 2001 he has been active in defending the environment and trees in particular. Today, Niels is a professional arboriculturist and has founded and directs, along with Lena, the Arborartist Cooperative, which has 15 employees. He lives in Hamburg in a Wagenplatz.

MINA ZAPATERO: Upon completing her Arabic studies, she moved to Beirut in 2002. She now lives in Paris, where she is active in the world of independent media with the “Regarde à vue” collective.

MICHAEL GIESER: A businessman, he is continuing his activity as multilingual facilitator in creative learning methods. He lives in southern France with his two children, who are 3 and 5 years old.

LENA ZUHLKE: A student of Indology at the University of Hamburg in 2001, Lena is writing a doctoral thesis and working alongside Neils as an arboriculturist. She lives in a commune of 30 people, and is committed to the ecology movement, and especially to the struggle against nuclear power.

DANIEL MCQUILLAN: In 2001, after founding Multikulti, the multilingual website for asylum applicants and refugees, he met and married Njomeza, a refugee from Kosovo. The father of two children 3 and 7 years old, he is now a university instructor. He organizes international “hack days” to create innovations using digital technologies.

CHABI NOGUERAS: Lives in Zaragoza and, a conscientious objector, he has been in the Antimilitary Alternative since before the G8. He now works at Pantera Rossa, an independent social centre. In a few months, his daughter will be born, and he dreams of returning to Genoa with her.

Director’s Notes

In Genoa in 2001, politics delegated to law enforcement the task of stopping a social movement that was exploding around the world. Black Block came about with the purpose of showing how repression by law enforcement controlled the lives, desires, and passions of those who have experienced the movement’s history during the past ten years, from the movement’s birth in Seattle, to the large numbers present in Genoa.
I wanted to cover the movement’s life through seven interviews with plaintiffs in the Diaz and Bolzaneto trial, who experienced the most violent episode ever committed by the Italian police – the raid at the Diaz School – and to depict the participation of the many demonstrators who came to Genoa during the G8 Summit, and who in various ways still bear open wounds to this day.
The shock was as sudden as it was devastating, leaving its mark deep in their soul. To recover the meaning of their lives, some of the protestors who had been in Diaz had to start all over again. Their trauma required them to find answers, and the trials presented an opportunity for rebirth.
All the interviewees except Muli returned to Genoa to film their story. interview room is the “abstract” place that best represents the mood of each protestor – a set-design element to recall the seven different stories.
Exterior shooting gave them another Genoa, because something has stayed in this city. Their return, the trials, and their friends have allowed them to re-conquer the streets, and their faith in themselves – another reason to go on with the struggle.
The only exception is Muli, the documentary’s protagonist, who was filmed in Berlin, where he lives. I chose Muli as he bears the most affinity with my own viewpoint. In Muli, I searched for what his political motivations were, and how he experienced being in Genoa first with a huge swell of demonstrators and protestors, through the long hours of physical and mental repression, and how he overcame the trauma through his return for the trials.

Carlo A. Bachschmidt

Carlo A. Bachschmidt was born in Genoa and studied architecture. Following work experience at the “Renzo Piano Building Workshop”, he began organizing cultural events at Palazzo Ducale.
In 1994, he specialized in social communications and in 1998 he was involved in public awareness and information campaigns aimed towards young people through the “Planning Communications Events” group. While working through the web, he acquired skills in member active processes, in particular in the constitution of local and/or national organizations.
In 2001, he participated in the organization of the Genoa Social Forum, the organization against the G8/Genoa, and then became the consulting technician for the Genoa Legal Forum responsible for analyzing and filing all of the video and photographic material from those days in July 2001. He presented 6 technical consultations (video) acquired during the G8 trials and he was the creator of the website www.processing8.org.
Since 2003, he has been involved in the production of independent videos and collaborates with the national media researching and analyzing documentations relative to the G8/Genoa.
In 2004, he specialized in “Architecture for the Entertainment Industry” and the next year in “Events Planning and Communication” at the faculty of Architecture of the University of Genoa.
In 2010 he completed his short film “Janua”, chosen as one of the finalists of the OBIETTIVO LIGURIA Competition in the 14th Genoa Film Festival 2011.

BLACK BLOCK (DVD+Book boxed set)

BLACK BLOCK (documentary, duration: 77 minutes) + EXTRA (the documentary, La Provvista – duration: 47 minutes – a reconstruction of the raid on the two Diaz schools, and the most important phases in the trial) + BOOK (176 pages – La costruzione del nemico) edited by Carlo A. Bachschmidt. With texts written by Carlo A. Bachschmidt, Donatella Della Porta, Laura Fazio, Chabi Nogueras, Salvatore Palidda, and Mina Zapatero).

The leaders in the “consultation”, well aware that the Molotov cocktails were not coming from inside the school, decided that these explosives could be used as […] a decisive element in allowing them to proceed to arrest everyone there, on the charge of association for the purpose of mayhem and looting”.

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The New American Century

From: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p-ONhpNeWQA

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The Untold History of The Project for the New American Century

This documentary film goes in detail through the untold history of The Project for the New American Century with tons of archival footage and connects it right into the present.

It exposes how every major war in US history was based on a complete fraud with video of insiders themselves admitting it. This film shows how the first film theaters in the US were used over a hundred years ago to broadcast propaganda to rile the American people into the Spanish-American War.

This film shows the white papers of the oil company Unocal which called for the creation of a pipeline through Afghanistan and how their exact needs were fulfilled through the US invasion of Afghanistan.

This documentary shows how Halliburton under their “cost plus” exclusive contract with the US Government went on a mad dash spending spree akin to something out of the movie Brewster’s Millions, yet instead of blowing $30 million they blew through BILLIONS by literally burning millions of dollars worth of hundred thousand dollar cars and trucks if they had so much as a flat tire.
Produced by Massimo Mazzucco.

“A stunning film. It should be seen as widely as possible, in cinemas, bars, clubs, at meetings and, of course, through the internet. I’m sure the film will continue to be a source of debate and political education for many years. Maybe until the war criminals have been brought to trial.” – Ken Loach While Massimo Mazzucco’s first political documentary, GLOBAL DECEIT (2006), focused on the long list of inconsistencies in the official version of the 9/11 attacks, THE NEW AMERICAN CENTURY explores the historical, philosophical and economic background that suggests a matrix for such events that is much closer to home than the so-called “Islamic terrorism”. The film provides solid evidence for the true reasons behind the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, whose unfolding is described in chilling detail in a document called “Project for the New American Century”, published in the year 2000, that seems to have served as the actual blueprint for such dramatic events.

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Hot Coffee

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Hot Coffee (film)

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Hot Coffee is a 2011 documentary film that analyzes and discuses the impact of tort reform on the United States judicial system. It is directed by Susan Saladoff who was a medical malpractice attorney of 26 years. The film premiered at the 2011 Sundance Film Festival on January 24, 2011 and later aired on HBO on June 27, 2011 as a part of HBO films documentary summer series. The title is derived from the Liebeck v. McDonald's Restaurants lawsuit in which the plaintiff Liebeck was severely burned by hot coffee purchased from a McDonald's. [...]

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Food Matters

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Food Matters

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Food Matters is a 2008 film about food and its effects on human health. The film is presented in the style of a documentary, containing interviews, animations, and footage of various therapies and practices. The film presents the thesis that a selective diet can play a key role in treating a range of health conditions such as diabetes, cancer, heart disease and depression, often without the need of medical treatment. Furthermore, it tends to label the medical industry as a "sickness industry" profiting from sickness as opposed to health, and goes up to the point of accusing the medical and pharmaceutical industries of a conspiracy to perpetuate poor health, and thus, maximise their profit. [...]

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Inside the Revolution: A Journey into the Heart of Venezuela

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Inside the Revolution: A Journey into the Heart of Venezuela

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Inside the Revolution: A Journey into the Heart of Venezuela is a documentary written and directed by Pablo Navarrete and released ‎ by Alborada Films in 2009. Staged in Caracas in November 2008 on the eve of local elections, the documentary offers a grassroots perspective of the Venezuelan Bolivarian Revolution from the people driving the process forward and reflects more widely on the significance of the revolution for the future of Venezuela, US imperialism and socialism. [...]

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The Revolution Will Not Be Televised

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The Revolution Will Not Be Televised (film)

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The Revolution Will Not Be Televised (Spanish: La revolución no será transmitida), also known as Chávez: Inside the Coup, is a 2003 documentary focusing on events in Venezuela leading up to and during the April 2002 coup d'état attempt, which saw President Hugo Chávez removed from office for two days. With particular emphasis on the role played by Venezuela's private media, the film examines several key incidents: the protest march and subsequent violence that provided the impetus for Chávez's ousting; the opposition's formation of an interim government headed by business leader Pedro Carmona; and the Carmona administration's collapse, which paved the way for Chávez's return. The Revolution Will Not Be Televised was directed by Irish filmmakers Kim Bartley and Donnacha Ó Briain. Given direct access to Chávez, the filmmakers intended to make a fly-on-the-wall biography of the president. They spent seven months filming in Venezuela, following Chávez and his staff and interviewing ordinary citizens. As the coup unfolded on 11 April, Bartley and Ó Briain filmed on the streets of the capital, Caracas, capturing footage of protesters and the erupting violence. Later, they filmed many of the political upheavals inside Miraflores, the presidential palace.

Bartley and Ó Briain conceived of the film after Bartley returned from documenting the aftermath of the 1999 Vargas mudslides for an Irish charity. Following a visit to Venezuela to determine the feasibility of a film project, the pair formed a production company and applied to Ireland's film board, Bord Scannán na hÉireann (BSÉ), for a development grant. At BSÉ's request, the filmmakers partnered with a more experienced producer and shot a short pilot to show to potential investors. Funding for the €200,000 production was provided by BSÉ and several European broadcasters. Bartley and Ó Briain shot more than 200 hours of material; editing focused on identifying footage that would make the film entertaining and drive the plot. It was at this stage that the film's coverage narrowed to concentrate more on the coup attempt.

The film was positively received by mainstream film critics and won several awards. Reviewers cited the filmmakers' unprecedented proximity to key events and praised the film for its "riveting narrative"; criticism focused on its lack of context and pro-Chávez bias. First shown on television in Europe and Venezuela in 2003, The Revolution Will Not Be Televised later appeared at film festivals and secured a limited theatrical release on the art house circuit. Independent activists held unofficial screenings, and Venezuelan government officials encouraged its circulation to build support for Chávez's administration. The film is regularly shown on Venezuelan television, and in the capital it is often broadcast during "contentious political conjunctures". The Revolution Will Not Be Televised paints Chávez in a favorable light, which has led to disputes over its neutrality and accuracy; particular attention is paid to its framing of the violence of 11–13 April, the filmmakers' editing of the timeline, and the alleged omission of incidents and personnel. The film is variously cited as an accurate portrayal or a misrepresentation of the events of April 2002. [...]

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Profit & Nothing But! Or Impolite Thoughts On The Class Struggle

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Raoul Peck’s 52-minute film about the effects of market economy and globalization on his homeland, Haiti, is more a film essay than a traditional documentary. Instead of facts and figures, Peck offers the learned commentary of various economists, including Rene Passet, Serge Latouche and Haiti’s agricultural minister, Gérald Mathurin, as well as his own personal reflections on the way in which so-called free market capitalism has rendered Haiti a country that “theoretically doesn’t exist.” Capitalism, they feel, is a system that serves only the richest citizens of the richest nations, and they note a deep contradiction between its self-proclaimed triumph and the reality of day-to-day life in countries like Haiti — countries whose markets have been drastically deregulated to encourage exports of their most valuable resources, while importing the worst of what the rest of the world has to offer. The system has succeeded in turning money into capital: Rather than a means of expediting the exchange of goods in an attempt to meet the basic needs of the people, money has become the goal of transactions. It accumulates in the bottomless coffers of a handful of paranoid super-capitalists interested only in increasing their fortunes, regardless of the effects. Men like Bill Gates, whose personal worth equals Haiti’s cumulative GNP for the next 30 years. This “crazy machine” — an opaque, feudal system whose true nature remains invisible — is now out of control, Latouche argues, but our society facilitates blindness to its dysfunctions by encouraging irresponsibility and a forgetfulness that Peck likens to a form of societal Alzheimer’s disease. And in the face of this illusory triumph, which smothers dissent and renders discussion pointless, Peck ultimately questions the futility of creating images. Are they to exist only as mementos to lost battles? Impassioned and deeply troubling, Peck’s film is not entirely without hope, and would make a powerful double bill with LIFE AND DEBT, Stephanie Black’s 2001 film about globalization’s disastrous impact on Jamaica’s economy.

Raoul Peck’s 52-minute film about the effects of market economy and globalization on his homeland, Haiti, is more a film essay than a traditional documentary. Instead of facts and figures, Peck offers the learned commentary of various economists, including Rene Passet, Serge Latouche and Haiti’s agricultural minister, Gérald Mathurin, as well as his own personal reflections on the way in which so-called free market capitalism has rendered Haiti a country that “theoretically doesn’t exist.” Capitalism, they feel, is a system that serves only the richest citizens of the richest nations, and they note a deep contradiction between its self-proclaimed triumph and the reality of day-to-day life in countries like Haiti — countries whose markets have been drastically deregulated to encourage exports of their most valuable resources, while importing the worst of what the rest of the world has to offer. The system has succeeded in turning money into capital: Rather than a means of expediting the exchange of goods in an attempt to meet the basic needs of the people, money has become the goal of transactions. It accumulates in the bottomless coffers of a handful of paranoid super-capitalists interested only in increasing their fortunes, regardless of the effects. Men like Bill Gates, whose personal worth equals Haiti’s cumulative GNP for the next 30 years. This “crazy machine” — an opaque, feudal system whose true nature remains invisible — is now out of control, Latouche argues, but our society facilitates blindness to its dysfunctions by encouraging irresponsibility and a forgetfulness that Peck likens to a form of societal Alzheimer’s disease. And in the face of this illusory triumph, which smothers dissent and renders discussion pointless, Peck ultimately questions the futility of creating images. Are they to exist only as mementos to lost battles? Impassioned and deeply troubling, Peck’s film is not entirely without hope, and would make a powerful double bill with LIFE AND DEBT, Stephanie Black’s 2001 film about globalization’s disastrous impact on Jamaica’s economy.

http://movies.tvguide.com/profit-and-nothing-but-or-impolite-thoughts-on-the-class-struggle/review/135951

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Food, Inc.

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Food, Inc. is a 2008 American documentary film directed by Emmy Award-winning filmmaker Robert Kenner. The film examines corporate farming in the United States, concluding that agribusiness produces food that is unhealthy, in a way that is environmentally harmful and abusive of both animals and employees. The film is narrated by Michael Pollan and Eric Schlosser.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Food,_Inc.

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Banking on brutality. Argentina’s debt crisis (20 de diciembre)

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This documentary tells what happened on December 20th 2001, a date that marked a turning point in Argentine democracy. The facts precipitated vertiginously that day, and the people decided something had to change. It all started with the banging of saucepans and spontaneous marches and ended with blood. “December 20th” tells about what happened those days, who were on the streets, why they left their homes, how the repression got started and why and who murdered the people that were killed. The documentary is crossed by three plot lines: The previous atmosphere, the critical 24 hours and the consequences. Written by Cuatro Cabezas S.A. [ar]

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0472507/

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